ir is heading into a new era. Belogal, the longstanding hegemon, has been in decline for years. This process has been accelerated by Belogal’s defeat in the Great Hadian War against Ghanidash and Pramatra. Belogal withdrew to its territory between the Saden and Ayalamih Mountains and has erected massive and heavily armed fortifications on its southern border. In an effort to secure

its status as the most powerful country in Mir, Belogal has started initiating negotiations with Mikhailistan to establish an alliance between these longstanding uneasy partners.

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Mikhailistan is hesitant to enter into a regular, potentially offensive alliance with Belogal but is very much interested in entering a broader collective security arrangement as a defensive measure. The Organization for Holistic Nonproliferation and Order (OHNO) would not only allow Mikhailistan to benefit from Belogal’ s remaining large conventional military but would also allow it to slip under Belogal’s, Mir’s only, nuclear umbrella. Some in Mikhailistan warn against joining OHNO because it may alienate Ghanidash, the only other remaining democracy in Mir.

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Belogal hopes it can benefit from Mikhailistan’ s dominant role in the global economy. Belogal sees this potential military cooperation with Mikhailistan as a possible starting point for a rapprochement between the two countries which could lead to closer economic ties and infuse the Beli economy with much needed products and capital. The alliance is broadly popular among the people of Belogal.

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In response and as part of their march toward ending the neo-colonial system present in Mir today, the three former colonies, Hin-Klia, Ghanidash, and Pramatra, have started exploratory talks to establish Mutual Aid and Defense (MAD), a collective security agreement. This has come as a great surprise to Mikhailistan, who has seen Ghanidash as a traditional ally due to its shared democratic form of government. In addition, many in Mir are surprised that Ghanidash and Pramatra are considering entering into a collective security agreement less than a decade after engaged in a three-way conflict with the former hegemon Belogal over the regions of Hadian Crossings and Cornuchuan Plains.

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While both Ghanidash and Pramatra emerged victorious from the conflict, Pramatra was able to secure a significantly larger portion of the extraordinarily fertile Cornuchuan Plains than Ghanidash. Pramatra has voiced repeated concerns over Belogal’s singular status as a nuclear power since Belogal made use of strategic nuclear weapons during the Hadian War. Pramatra has declared that it desires a more balanced power structure in Mir.

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Opinions are divided in Ghanidash over membership in any military alliance. The Taysha Confederacy is overall opposed to any offensive military alliances, but the Oxori due their experiences with the Beli, are open to a collective security agreement. Some argue that an alliance with Pramatra could help ease tensions over Cornuchuan Plains and Hadian Plains, while other see great danger in ending up in any military alliance that does not include the other democracy, Mikhailistan. 

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Hin-Klia, which has suffered the most under colonialism, is interested in any cooperation that undermines the power structures still in place but appears to be hesitant to join in this effort. The Morokhar support a military alliance with Pramatra to help strengthen ties between the two countries among which their territory was divided, but the elites among the Hins and Klias are hesitant to enter any potentially offensive military alliance to maintain their ability to export oil and gas to all countries in Mir.

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Both the public and scholars of international relations are watching both negotiations closely and a variety of responses have emerged. Some argue that since the unipolar system has come to an end, a bipolar system is the preferred next structure of the international system. Proponents of either potential military block argue that this security policy coordination will increase efficiencies, improve communication and transparency, reduce long-term spending due to stable expectations, and as a consequence a reduction in war.  Others see great dangers in a transition to a bipolar system and argue that it may lead to devastating military competition and arms races. Opponents of the potential agreements fear their implication for the contested area of Hadian Crossings and anticipate that this block formation in the security realm will ultimately also lead to a bifurcation of the global economy.

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What alliance structure, if any, will Mir have in our version of the simulation?